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Plausibility as Commonsense Reasoning: Humans Succeed, Large Language Models Do not
Sercan KarakaĆ
Intelligence
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Summary
This paper investigates whether Large Language Models (LLMs) exhibit human-like, structure-sensitive ambiguity resolution in Turkish prenominal relative-clause attachment. By constructing ambiguous sentences where world-knowledge plausibility selectively favors either high or low attachment, the authors compare human performance in a forced-choice comprehension task against LLM performance using log-probability scoring. The results indicate that while humans show robust, plausibility-driven attachment shifts, LLMs demonstrate weak, inconsistent, or reversed preferences, suggesting they rely more on surface regularities than systematic, world-knowledge-guided reasoning.
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Turkish â exhibits â Relative-clause attachment
confidence 100% · Turkish prenominal relative-clause attachment ambiguities
Ytu-ce-cosmos/turkish-gpt2 â evaluatedon â Relative-clause attachment
confidence 95% · We evaluate Turkish and multilingual LLMs in a parallel preference-based setup
Large Language Models â failtoreplicate â Human ambiguity resolution
confidence 90% · Across models, plausibility-driven shifts are weak, unstable, or reversed.
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Abstract
Abstract:Large language models achieve strong performance on many language tasks, yet it remains unclear whether they integrate world knowledge with syntactic structure in a human-like, structure-sensitive way during ambiguity resolution. We test this question in Turkish prenominal relative-clause attachment ambiguities, where the same surface string permits high attachment (HA) or low attachment (LA). We construct ambiguous items that keep the syntactic configuration fixed and ensure both parses remain pragmatically possible, while graded event plausibility selectively favors High Attachment vs.\ Low Attachment. The contrasts are validated with independent norming ratings. In a speeded forced-choice comprehension experiment, humans show a large, correctly directed plausibility effect. We then evaluate Turkish and multilingual LLMs in a parallel preference-based setup that compares matched HA/LA continuations via mean per-token log-probability. Across models, plausibility-driven shifts are weak, unstable, or reversed. The results suggest that, in the tested models, plausibility information does not guide attachment preferences as reliably as it does in human judgments, and they highlight Turkish RC attachment as a useful cross-linguistic diagnostic beyond broad benchmarks.
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- Source: https://arxiv.org/abs/2604.04825v1
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Plausibility as Commonsense Reasoning: Humans Succeed, Large Language Models Do not Abstract Large language models achieve strong performance on many language tasks, yet it remains unclear whether they integrate world knowledge with syntactic structure in a human-like, structure-sensitive way during ambiguity resolution. We test this question in Turkish prenominal relative-clause attachment ambiguities, where the same surface string permits high attachment (HA) or low attachment (LA). We construct ambiguous items that keep the syntactic configuration fixed and ensure both parses remain pragmatically possible, while graded event plausibility selectively favors High Attachment vs. Low Attachment. The contrasts are validated with independent norming ratings. In a speeded forced-choice comprehension experiment, humans show a large, correctly directed plausibility effect. We then evaluate Turkish and multilingual LLMs in a parallel preference-based setup that compares matched HA/LA continuations via mean per-token log-probability. Across models, plausibility-driven shifts are weak, unstable, or reversed. The results suggest that, in the tested models, plausibility information does not guide attachment preferences as reliably as it does in human judgments, and they highlight Turkish RC attachment as a useful cross-linguistic diagnostic beyond broad benchmarks. Keywords: Turkish, relative clause attachment, world knowledge, plausibility, large language models @set@cites Plausibility as Commonsense Reasoning: Humans Succeed, Large Language Models Do not Sercan KarakaĆ University of Chicago skarakas@uchicago.edu Abstract content 1. Introduction Recent progress in large language models (LLMs) has produced systems that reach state-of-the-art results on a wide range of language tasks, including open-domain question answering, generation, summarization, creative writing and translation (Anil et al., 2023; OpenAI et al., 2024; Team et al., 2024; Li et al., 2025; Singh et al., 2025; Team et al., 2025; Finkelstein et al., 2026). In addition to this broad linguistic competence, LLMs often exhibit strong performance in demanding problem-solving workloads, such as software development and symbolic mathematics. In parallel, psycholinguistics and cognitively oriented computational linguistics have increasingly treated neural language models as explicit probabilistic theories of incremental comprehension. Surprisal-based accounts have long been used to explain processing difficulty in reading-time data and related measures. Foundational work showed that surprisal derived from symbolic or probabilistic grammars predicts human comprehension difficulty, including effects related to syntactic ambiguity resolution and expectation-based parsing (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008); more recent work extends this approach to surprisal derived from neural language models (Arehalli et al., 2022). At the same time, a foundational issue remains open: whether these models carry out human-like reasoning that is logically compositional and systematically generalizes, or whether their apparent success primarily reflects the ability to exploit massive training data to reproduce high-probability surface regularities. Several diagnostic evaluations suggest that LLM behavior often reflects probabilistic pattern completion or shallow heuristics rather than fully systematic rule-based inference (McCoy et al., 2019; Yang et al., 2024). This appears to be especially visible under controlled compositional generalization settings where models often struggle to recombine familiar primitives in genuinely novel ways (Lake and Baroni, 2018; Ruis et al., 2020). Furthermore, interest in using large language models as cognitive models of human language processing has grown rapidly in recent years, but the empirical foundation remains strongly English-centric: comparatively few studies have carried out systematic, theory-driven psycholinguistic evaluations in other languages, limiting the generalizability of current conclusions across typologically diverse settings (Futrell et al., 2019; Joshi et al., 2020; Hollenstein et al., 2021; Alves, 2025; Boeve and Bogaerts, 2025). Accordingly, we study Turkish, which is a morphologically rich language that is nonetheless less represented in widely used NLP training resources and evaluation benchmarks (Conneau et al., 2020; Joshi et al., 2020), and focus on a particularly informative phenomenon, which is relative-clause attachment ambiguity. In Turkish prenominal relative clause (RC) configurations, the clause can in principle modify either the higher noun (high attachment; HA) or the lower noun (low attachment; LA), yielding a classic hierarchical ambiguity under a fixed surface string. In the broader sentence-processing literature, ambiguity resolution in high- versus low-attachment configurations has often been characterized in terms of economy-driven, rightward-attachment preferencesâLate Closure (Frazier and Fodor, 1978), Right Association (Kimball, 1973), and Recency (Gibson et al., 1996)âwhile cross-linguistic work has tested the scope and limits of these biases (Baccino et al., 2000; FernĂĄndez, 2003). At the same time, a large body of evidence shows that attachment preferences are not determined by structural heuristics alone: discourse and semantic context can substantially modulate parsing commitments, including in reduced relative-clause ambiguities (Spivey-Knowlton et al., 1993). Building on this line of work, we focus on a more fine-grained cue than broad pragmatic possibility. Specifically, we isolate graded world-knowledge plausibility: we hold the syntactic environment constant while selectively biasing the plausibility of attachment to the higher vs. lower nominal, and we validate these contrasts via independent norming ratings. We then test whether such plausibility guides attachment in Turkish by combining (i) an online speeded forced-choice comprehension experiment with native Turkish speakers and (i) a parallel evaluation of three LLMs using matched log-probability scoring. The two settings are aligned at the level of the underlying interpretive contrast, not at the level of task mechanics: humans make an explicit attachment choice after reading the sentence, whereas models are evaluated through their relative preference for matched HA versus LA continuations. Accordingly, we treat the human response and the model log-probability preference as parallel but non-identical proxies for attachment preference under the same plausibility manipulation. Our results demonstrate a robust human sensitivity to plausibility: attachment preferences shift substantially in the predicted direction when world-knowledge cues favor high attachment (HA) versus low attachment (LA). In contrast, the LLMs show markedly weaker and less consistent plausibility-based shifts, with their preferences often seeming to reflect structural attachment biases rather than the intended plausibility manipulation. The rest of the paper is structured as follows. §2 reviews related work, and §3 introduces Turkish relative clause attachment. §4 presents the human experiment, while §4.1 outlines the LLM evaluation setup. We then present the human and model results, including the model-specific findings in §5.1, before discussing their implications for world-knowledge integration and the use of LLMs as cognitive models in §6. 2. Related Work 2.1. Attachment ambiguity and constraint interaction Relative-clause attachment ambiguities have long served as a central testbed for theories of incremental parsing, because a single surface string can license multiple hierarchical structures. Early accounts emphasized economy- and locality-based heuristics such as Late Closure (Frazier and Fodor, 1978), Right Association (Kimball, 1973), and Recency (Gibson et al., 1996), which predict a general bias toward attaching incoming material to the most recently processed constituent. A broad cross-linguistic literature has evaluated the scope of these principles and documented substantial variability, motivating proposals that attachment is not governed by a single universal heuristic, but is instead sensitive to language-specific distributions and to interactions among multiple sources of information (Baccino et al., 2000; FernĂĄndez, 2003). In parallel, constraint-based approaches argue that syntactic commitments are continuously shaped by probabilistic cues from semantics, discourse, and world knowledge, often well before disambiguating material arrives. Classic demonstrations show that supportive discourse and semantic context can dramatically reduce garden-path difficulty in reduced RCs (Spivey-Knowlton et al., 1993; Altmann and Steedman, 1988). Related work on âthematic fitâ further indicates that event knowledge and plausibility can be quantified independently (e.g., via norming) and can guide online interpretation early in processing (McRae et al., 1998). 2.2. Prenominal RC attachment in Turkish Turkish provides a particularly informative setting for attachment research because RCs are typically prenominal and because attachment ambiguities often arise in configurations with multiple potential hosts inside complex nominal structures. Early work highlighted that Turkish had been comparatively less explored in the RC-attachment literature and reported that attachment outcomes are strongly modulated by lexical-semantic properties of the potential hosts (e.g., animacy, semantic compatibility) and by properties of the complex NP environment, challenging accounts that rely on syntactic locality alone (Kırkıcı, 2004). Subsequent studies likewise emphasize the importance of controlling semantic relations within the nominal complex; when such factors are carefully balanced, Turkish comprehenders may show no stable baseline preference for one attachment site over the other, suggesting that apparent âpreferencesâ can reflect uncontrolled semantic biases rather than a fixed parsing strategy (BaĆer and Hohenberger, 2020). Other work has asked more directly whether locality-style biases surface under particular timing or structural conditions. For example, experiments manipulating predicate proximity and related locality factors report patterns consistent with recency-driven attachment in at least some Turkish materials, while also indicating that additional structural factors can shift rates of high vs. low attachment (Akal, 2021). More recent online studies connect Turkish prenominal RC attachment to broader debates about ambiguity advantage and underspecification: under some accounts, readers may delay commitment to save effort, whereas race-based models predict different processing signatures for prenominal structures. Evidence from Turkish reading experiments has been used to argue against strong underspecification-based predictions in this domain, and plausibility has been employed as a controlled disambiguating cue in constructing attachment conditions (LogaÄev et al., 2022). Our contribution, on the other hand, is to move beyond relatively coarse manipulations of pragmatic possibility and instead isolate a narrower, graded world-knowledge plausibility cue. We construct minimally contrasting Turkish materials in which the syntactic configuration is held constant while the plausibility of attachment is selectively biased toward the higher vs. lower nominal, and we validate these contrasts with independent norming ratings (cf. thematic-fit methodologies; McRae et al., 1998). This lets us ask whether attachment decisions track the intended plausibility gradient, rather than reflecting uncontrolled lexical associations. 2.3. Neural language models as cognitive models, and evaluation beyond English A growing body of psycholinguistic and cognitively oriented computational work uses neural language models as probabilistic models of incremental comprehension, asking to what extent their surprisal estimates and internal representations align with human sentence-processing behavior (Futrell et al., 2019; Oh and Schuler, 2023; Arehalli et al., 2022). As mentioned before, in this view, surprisal derived from a modelâs next-word distribution provides a linking hypothesis to processing difficulty, with influential proposals and evidence showing that surprisal predicts reading-time patterns and ambiguity-resolution effects in humans (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008). Recent work extends these ideas to modern neural architectures and explores syntactic ambiguity phenomena under LM-based predictors (Arehalli et al., 2022). At the same time, targeted âpsycholinguistic diagnosticsâ highlight systematic mismatches between model behavior and human generalizations, especially for inferences that require robust integration of context, roles, or negation (Ettinger, 2020). Related lines of work further investigate when distributional models do (or do not) acquire pragmatic constraints that humans exploit in disambiguation (Davis and van Schijndel, 2020). Importantly for the present paper, much LM-as-cognition evidence remains concentrated on English, and cross-linguistic generalizations are therefore less secure. This motivates testing typologically different languages to evaluate whether purportedly general cognitive conclusions about LM surprisal, ambiguity resolution, and cue integration persist under different structural priors and training-resource profiles. While recent work has begun to extend LM-as-cognition evaluations to Turkishâboth via humanâLLM comparative processing studies and via cross-linguistic surprisal validations that include Turkishâthe overall evidence base remains comparatively sparse (de Varda and Marelli, 2022; KeleĆ and Dinçtopal Deniz, 2024; KarakaĆ, 2026). We aim to leverage this gap by comparing human RC attachment judgments and model attachment preferences under the same controlled, normed plausibility manipulation in Turkish. Our goal is not to equate the human task with the model evaluation procedure, but to test whether the same item-level plausibility contrast shifts attachment in a consistent direction across the two systems, or whether model behavior is instead dominated by surface regularities and base-rate biases. 3. Turkish relative clauses Turkish relative clauses are typically prenominal: the RC precedes the noun it modifies, and relativization is expressed morphologically on the verb, commonly via the nominalizer/participle in RCs. In complex noun phrases with two potential nominal hosts, the same prenominal RC string can in principle modify either the higher noun (high attachment; HA) or the lower noun (low attachment; LA), yielding a hierarchical ambiguity under an otherwise fixed surface string. . , balkon-da dur-an [aktris-in]LOW [hizmetçi-si-ni]HIGH vur-du. someone-nom balcony-loc stand-rel actress-gen servant-poss-acc shoot-pst âSomeone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony.â (Kırkıcı 2004: 4â5) In 3, the prenominal relative clause balkon-da dur-an âstanding on the balconyâ can modify either noun inside the complex NP. Under low attachment, the RC modifies the lower noun aktris âactressâ, yielding the reading âSomeone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony.â â Under high attachment, the RC modifies the higher noun hizmetçi âservantâ, yielding the reading âSomeone shot the servant (of the actress) who was on the balcony.â Because both hosts are structurally available, the surface string remains fixed while the attachment site determines the intended referent of the RC. 4. Experiments We recruited 102102 native speakers of Turkish. To ensure data quality, we excluded 1616 participants whose response latencies were extremely fast or extremely slow relative to the sample distribution. Specifically, for each participant i, we first computed their mean response time across trials: . tÂŻi=1Niââj=1Nitiâj t_i= 1N_i _j=1^N_it_ij where tiâjt_ij is the response time on trial j and NiN_i is the number of trials completed by participant i. We then computed the grand mean and standard deviation across participants: . ÎŒ=1Pââi=1PtÂŻi,Ï=1Pâ1ââi=1P(tÂŻiâÎŒ)2ÎŒ= 1P _i=1^P t_i, Ï= 1P-1 _i=1^P ( t_i-ÎŒ )^2 Finally, we excluded participant i if their mean response time satisfied the following outlier criterion: . tÂŻi<ÎŒâ2âÏortÂŻi>ÎŒ+2âÏ t_i<ÎŒ-2Ï t_i>ÎŒ+2Ï After these exclusions, 8686 native speakers of Turkish remained for the online experiment, which was administered using the PCIbex/PennController platform (Zehr and Schwarz, 2018). Materials and design. Previous work on Turkish (BaĆer 2018, 251) uses examples such as 4 to illustrate relative-clause attachment ambiguity inside a complex NP. In this configuration, the prenominal RC precedes two potential nominal hosts, the lower noun and the higher noun. Structurally, the RC can in principle modify either NP1 or NP2, so the surface string is compatible with two parses. Crucially, however, the contrast in this type of item is not a subtle plausibility manipulation. In 4, the RC okula kaydedilen âwho was enrolled in the schoolâ can in principle modify either mĂŒdĂŒr âprincipalâ or yeÄen ânephewâ, but only the latter yields a semantically coherent interpretation. Attaching the RC to mĂŒdĂŒr is structurally available, yet semantically anomalous, since a principal is not normally interpreted as someone being enrolled in a school. . -a kaydedil-en mĂŒdĂŒr-ĂŒn yeÄen-i bahçe-de oyna-yor-du. school-dat enroll-pass.rel principal-gen nephew-poss.3sg garden-loc play-prog-pst âThe nephew of the principal who was enrolled in the school was playing in the garden.â (BaĆer 2018, 251) In our design, by contrast, the critical manipulation differs in a theoretically important way: both candidate attachment analyses are constructed to remain pragmatically and semantically viable. Concretely, for each item, the relative clause (RC) can plausibly attach to either NP1 or NP2 without yielding a categorical anomaly or selectional clash in contrast to 4. Thus, the manipulation does not instantiate a binary contrast between a possible parse and an implausible parse. Rather, it keeps the underlying syntactic configuration constant and manipulates a graded asymmetry in world-knowledge plausibility: local event knowledge is used to make one attachment interpretation more plausible than its competitor, while preserving the acceptability of the alternative interpretation. Methodologically, this design supports a more fine-grained test of attachment processing. Because neither parse can be dismissed outright, any preference for HA vs. LA is less likely to reflect simple anomaly rejection and more likely to reflect sensitivity to subtle plausibility weighting during online interpretation. In turn, this allows us to ask whether human comprehenders and LLMs exploit probabilistic world knowledge as a soft constraint in attachment resolution, rather than relying only on cases in which one candidate parse is pragmatically untenable. . -ler-den kaç-an manken-in koruma-sı gĂŒĂ§lĂŒ-ydĂŒ. reporter-pl-abl run.away-rel model-gen bodyguard-poss strong-pst âThe bodyguard of the model, who ran away from reporters, was very strong.â In 4, both manken âmodelâ and koruma âbodyguardâ are structurally viable RC hosts, but world knowledge makes the model a much more plausible agent of kaç- ârun awayâ than the bodyguard, thereby creating a targeted plausibility cue that directly bears on attachment choice. Lexical frequency was controlled by consulting corpus-based frequency estimates for critical nouns and verbs and avoiding systematic imbalances across conditions; animacy was matched as well. The critical materials comprised 40 ambiguous Turkish prenominal RC items (20 High-WK, 20 Low-WK). Across conditions, the syntactic configuration was held constant so that both potential nominal hosts (N1 vs. N2) were structurally available; the manipulation targeted a narrower, graded world-knowledge plausibility cue rather than broad pragmatic possibility. Concretely, items were constructed so that attachment to one host would be strongly favored by local event plausibility (âwho plausibly does whatâ), while attachment to the alternative host remained syntactically licensed and broadly possible. We validated this plausibility contrast with independent norming ratings. Task and procedure. The experiment used a speeded forced-choice comprehension paradigm. On each trial, participants read an ambiguous RC sentence and then answered a who-question designed to force an attachment decision by selecting the intended RC host (N1 vs. N2). The model evaluation does not reproduce this task literally. Instead, it operationalizes attachment preference by comparing the relative probability of two short continuations that unambiguously instantiate the HA and LA readings. We therefore treat the human task and the model evaluation as parallel decision settings over the same underlying ambiguity, rather than as identical online measures of processing. LLM experiments: log-probability scoring. In §4.1, we evaluate whether LLMs show plausibility-driven shifts over the same items by comparing the relative probability of matched HA and LA continuations. This does not constitute the same task as the human forced-choice experiment; rather, it provides a parallel model-side proxy for attachment preference under the same item manipulation. . sâ(âŁx)=1kâât=1klogâĄPâ(ytâŁx,y1,âŠ,ytâ1).s(y x)\;=\; 1k _t=1^k P\! (y_t x,y_1,âŠ,y_t-1 ). We then define the log-probability preference: . Î=sâ(HAâŁx)âsâ(LAâŁx), \;=\;s(y HA x)\;-\;s(y LA x), and take the modelâs predicted attachment to be HA iff Î>0 >0 (otherwise LA). This yields a categorical HA/LA outcome per item, which we analyze analogously to the human choices via logistic regression of HA on WK condition. (1) Stimuli Ambiguous Turkish prenominal RCs with two candidate hosts (N1/HA vs. N2/LA). Manipulation: world-knowledge plausibility favors HA vs. LA. (2) Norming Independent plausibility ratings validate the intended HA/LA bias. (3a) Human task (Ibex) Sentence â who-question Choose N1 (HA) vs. N2 (LA). Outcome: choice. (3b) LLM task Matched forced-choice completions. Compute logâĄpâ(HA) p(HA) vs. logâĄpâ(LA) p(LA). Outcome: model preference. (4) Comparison Quantify plausibility-driven shift in HA vs. LA: humans vs. LLMs. Figure 1: Procedure overview. After constructing syntactically matched Turkish RC attachment ambiguities and validating plausibility via norming, we evaluate (a) human attachment choices in a speeded forced-choice task and (b) LLM attachment preferences via log-probability scoring over matched HA/LA continuations. 4.1. Models We evaluate attachment preferences in autoregressive transformer language models by scoring the two matched HA/LA continuations described above using token-level conditional log-probabilities. We include two Turkish-specific checkpoints and one strong multilingual checkpoint: Ytu-ce-cosmos/turkish-gpt2. A Turkish GPT-2 style decoder-only language model used as a lightweight Turkish baseline. (Kesgin et al., 2024; ytu-ce-cosmos, 2024) Duxx/DeepSeek-R1-Distill-Qwen-1.5B-Turkish. A Turkish-adapted reasoning-oriented model obtained by fine-tuning a distilled DeepSeek-R1 checkpoint (Qwen-1.5B backbone) on Turkish reasoning data. We use it as a compact model that may better reflect structured inference than a plain GPT-2 baseline. (Guo et al., 2025; duxx, 2025) Qwen/Qwen3-30B-A3B-Instruct-2507. A multilingual mixture-of-experts instruction-tuned model (30.5B total parameters, with 3.3B activated per token). We include this model to test whether a higher-capacity multilingual system shows more human-like sensitivity to world-knowledge plausibility in Turkish attachment. (Yang et al., 2025; Qwen, 2025) Recent Turkish benchmarking places Qwen3-30B-Instruct among the stronger publicly reported multilingual models for Turkish. TurkBench evaluates 27 open-source models on 8,151 instances across 21 subtasks, and its leaderboard sorts systems by the Avg metric, that is, the overall average across task results; on this measure, Qwen3-30B-Instruct scores 73.4, compared with 78.6 for the top-ranked gpt-oss-120b (Toraman et al., 2026). Because several higher-scoring systems were not tractable in our setup, we use Qwen3-30B-Instruct as a strong multilingual comparison point. 5. Human Experiment Results HA rate0%25%50%75%100%26.3%65.2%Low-WKHigh-WK (a) HA by WK condition LA rate0%25%50%75%100%73.7%34.8%Low-WKHigh-WK (b) LA by WK condition Figure 2: Human attachment rates by world-knowledge (WK) condition. Panel (a) shows HA rates; panel (b) shows the complementary LA rates (100âHA). Figure 2 summarizes attachment choices by world-knowledge (WK) condition. In Low-WK contexts, where plausibility favors low attachment, participants selected high attachment (HA) on 26.3% of trials (panel a), corresponding to a low-attachment (LA) rate of 73.7% (panel b). In High-WK contexts, where plausibility favors HA, HA increased to 65.2% and LA decreased to 34.8%. This yields a 38.9 percentage-point shift in HA (65.2â26.3) and a mirror-image shift in LA (34.8â73.7), showing that graded plausibility cues robustly reweight attachment preferences even though both parses remain pragmatically possible in our materials. To test whether WK reliably modulated attachment, we fit a logistic regression predicting HA (vs. LA) from WK condition. The effect was large and highly reliable (ÎČWK=1.65±0.11 _ WK=1.65± 0.11, z=14.75z=14.75, p<10â50p<10^-50), corresponding to an odds ratio of e1.65â5.2e^1.65â 5.2 (a 5.2Ă increase in the odds of HA in High-WK relative to Low-WK). Collapsing across conditions, the overall HA rate was 45.7%, consistent with a modest baseline tendency toward low attachment. Robustness checks converged with the regression results. A contingency analysis confirmed a strong association between WK condition and attachment choice (Ï(1)2=229.1Ï^2_(1)=229.1, p=1.7Ă10â53p=1.7Ă 10^-53). Moreover, across items, the strength of the plausibility manipulation as measured by independent norming ratings strongly tracked HA rates (Spearman Ï=0.85Ï=0.85, p=2Ă10â6p=2Ă 10^-6), indicating that graded world-knowledge plausibility reliably shapes attachment decisions in Turkish. 5.1. Model results We evaluated model attachment preferences using the continuation-based log-probability comparison described in §4.1. For each item, we scored a high-attachment continuation and a low-attachment continuation and predicted HA when the HA continuation had higher mean per-token conditional log-probability (see 4â4). Figure 3 summarizes HA choice rates by condition (blue: High-WK; orange: Low-WK). The human pattern in Figure 3 shows a large, correctly directed plausibility effect: HA increases from 26.3% in Low-WK to 65.2% in High-WK. In contrast, the models show substantially weaker and less human-like modulation. Turkish GPT-2 exhibits a stable LA tendency: HA remains at 30% in both High-WK and Low-WK, with the Low-WK-only breakdown showing 70% LA and 30% HA in contexts intended to favor LA. DeepSeek-R1-Distill-Qwen-1.5B-Turkish shows only a small shift (HA 60% in High-WK vs. 50% in Low-WK), and its Low-WK-only breakdown is essentially balanced (50% HA vs. 50% LA). Qwen3 shows a different failure mode on the 20-item pilot (10 High-WK + 10 Low-WK): a strong overall HA bias and a reversed direction relative to the manipulation (HA 70% in High-WK but 90% in Low-WK), which is also visible in Figure 3 as only 10% LA in Low-WK items. HA (%)02040608010065.226.3303060507090HumansTR-GPT2DeepSeekR1Qwen3 20BHigh-WKLow-WK Figure 3: HA rates (%) by WK condition (High-WK vs. Low-WK) for humans and models. To summarize world-knowledge sensitivity across systems, we report the difference in HA rate across conditions: ÎâHA=HAHigh-WKâHALow-WK =HA_ High-WK-HA_ Low-WK. . ÎâHAHumans _Humans\; =+38.9â p(65.2â26.3) =\;+38.9 p (65.2-26.3) ÎâHATR-GPT2 _TR-GPT2\; = 0.0â p(30â30) =\;0.0 p (30-30) ÎâHADeepSeek _DeepSeek\; =+10.0â p(60â50) =\;+10.0 p (60-50) ÎâHAQwen3-20 _Qwen3-20\; =â20.0â p(70â90) =\;-20.0 p (70-90) We tested condition effects on the categorical HA/LA outcomes using Fisher exact tests on the 2Ă2 contingency table (condition Ă attachment). Turkish GPT-2 shows no condition effect (6/20 HA in High-WK vs. 6/20 HA in Low-WK; p=1.0p=1.0). DeepSeek shows no reliable condition effect at this sample size (12/20 HA in High-WK vs. 10/20 HA in Low-WK; p=0.751p=0.751). Qwen3 also does not show a reliable categorical difference under Fisherâs test on the 10+10 pilot (7/10 HA in High-WK vs. 9/10 HA in Low-WK; p=0.582p=0.582), despite the visibly reversed direction in Figure 3. For Qwen3, we also analyzed the continuous log-probability margin to quantify how strongly the model prefers one attachment over the other. For each item i, we define the HAâLA margin as: . mi=sâ(HAâŁxi)âsâ(LAâŁxi).m_i\;=\;s(y HA x_i)\;-\;s(y LA x_i). Larger mim_i indicates a stronger preference for HA. Comparing margins across conditions reveals a statistically detectable effect, but in the wrong direction: Low-WK items are more HA-favoring than High-WK items. Concretely, the mean difference satisfies: . â[mLow-WKâmHigh-WK]â 5.74ânats,E\! [m_ Low-WK-m_ High-WK ]\;â\;5.74\;nats, with a bootstrap 95% interval approximately [1.15,9.96][1.15,9.96]. A Welch t-test gives p=0.0266p=0.0266 and a MannâWhitney U test gives p=0.0211p=0.0211. Thus, even when the condition effect is detectable at the margin level, it reflects increased HA preference in Low-WK contexts, consistent with the reversed pattern in Figure 3. Overall, the tests indicate that the models do not reproduce the strong, correctly directed plausibility-driven shift observed in humans. Instead, Turkish GPT-2 shows a rigid LA bias with no modulation, DeepSeek shows weak and unreliable modulation at this sample size, and Qwen3 shows a strong HA bias with a reversed condition effect on the pilot set. 6. Discussion Our results reveal a sharp humanâmodel dissociation in how graded world knowledge is used to resolve Turkish RC attachment ambiguity. Humans show a large, correctly directed plausibility effect: HA rises from 26.3% in Low-WK to 65.2% in High-WK (a +38.9 percentage-point shift), with the complementary LA plot showing the mirror-image decrease. By contrast, all tested LMs exhibit weak or qualitatively different behavior. In the abstract baselines, Turkish GPT-2 shows a stable LA bias (HA 30% in both conditions), while DeepSeek-R1-Distill-Qwen-1.5B-Turkish shows only a small shift (HA 60% vs. 50%). Qwen3, despite being a much stronger general-purpose model, shows a strong overall HA bias and, on our 20-item subset, a reversed WK effect (HA 70% in High-WK vs. 90% in Low-WK), yielding negative WK sensitivity. A natural interpretation is that LLMs can store substantial commonsense and factual knowledge, yet deploy it unreliably in incremental ambiguity resolution where syntactic structure and plausibility must be integrated under tight constraints. At the same time, the comparison should be interpreted at the level of attachment preference rather than as a direct process-level alignment. Human participants performed a speeded comprehension task with an explicit question, whereas models were evaluated through relative preference for matched continuations. The value of the comparison, therefore, lies in asking whether the same plausibility manipulation shifts interpretation in the same direction across humans and models, not in claiming that the two systems were probed with an identical online measure. This aligns with recent cognitive-science arguments that linguistic proficiency and human-like conceptual reasoning can dissociate in LLMs, motivating careful use of targeted behavioral diagnostics rather than relying on broad benchmark success alone (Mahowald et al., 2024). In our setting, the plausibility manipulation is deliberately subtle: both parses remain pragmatically possible, so the task is not to reject an anomalous interpretation but to reweight two licensed structures using graded event knowledge. Humans do so robustly, but the models show much weaker and less consistent plausibility-driven shifts, suggesting that plausibility information is not being used as reliably as it is in human attachment resolution. Reconciling with âLLMs are good at commonsenseâ results. At first glance, our findings may appear in tension with results showing strong LLM performance on commonsense and world-knowledge benchmarks, including large technical reports documenting broad benchmark strength for frontier models (Grattafiori et al., 2024), and recent multilingual physical-commonsense evaluations where state-of-the-art LLMs perform well in aggregate (Chang et al., 2025). There is also growing evidence that scaffolding methods can substantially improve commonsense QA (e.g., guided knowledge generation) (Wei et al., 2024). We argue that these successes are compatible with our dissociation because they often probe knowledge access under explicit QA framing (and sometimes with additional guidance), whereas Turkish RC attachment requires knowledge deployment in real-time structure building. In other words, passing a commonsense benchmark does not guarantee that the model will (i) retrieve the relevant event knowledge, (i) align it with syntactic roles, and (i) use it to reweight two grammatically licensed parses when neither interpretation is outright anomalous. Our paradigm targets exactly this âcommonsense-in-useâ requirement and shows that, relative to humans, current LLMs do not robustly integrate graded plausibility with syntactic attachment. In that sense, our study supports the broader conclusion that LLM commonsense reasoning remains unreliable: not necessarily because the knowledge is absent, but because it is not consistently applied when the task demands subtle, structurally constrained disambiguation. Besides, our Turkish findings are consistent with a growing line of work arguing that attachment ambiguities remain a sensitive probe of LLM inductive biases. Recent multilingual studies report that models often default to local attachment and show limited responsiveness to language-specific or structure-sensitive patterns, with strong effects of evaluation framing and prompt format (Lee et al., 2025). Work focusing specifically on semantic bias in RC attachment similarly suggests that LLMs can miss or inconsistently apply plausibility cues that humans use, with variability across models and setups (Scheinberg et al., 2025). Hence, these findings support a picture in which LLM behavior on ambiguity resolution is not well predicted by their general benchmark strength, but is shaped by a mixture of base-rate structural tendencies, data-driven lexical associations, and sensitivity to how the disambiguation question is posed. 6.1. Why might Turkish be especially challenging? One possibility is that Turkish prenominal RCs place heavier demands on anticipating structure before the head noun, and the relevant plausibility information is distributed across morphosyntax and lexical roles (Ăzge et al., 2015). If training data provides weaker or noisier supervision for these configurations (relative to high-resource Indo-European patterns), models may fall back on simpler heuristics that do not incorporate graded plausibility in a human-like way. Another possibility is that instruction-tuned models tend to produce overly peaked choice distributions even when multiple continuations are viable, which can interact with our aligned scoring protocol and yield a rigid bias (as in Qwen3) (Zhang et al., 2024). Distinguishing these explanations requires systematically varying continuation format, question framing, and the amount and position of plausibility-supporting context. Furthermore, tokenization matters especially for morphologically rich and agglutinative languages such as Turkish, where many cues relevant to interpretation are carried by suffix chains and where subword tokenizers can fragment roots and affixes in ways that are only weakly aligned with linguistic units. In Turkish, prior work shows that tokenizer choice can substantially affect model behavior and downstream performance, and that simple morphological-level tokenization does not automatically yield better language modeling than subword approaches (Toraman et al., 2023; Bayram et al., 2025a, b). Complementary evidence on Turkish LLMs likewise reports measurable differences attributable to tokenization granularity, reinforcing that tokenizer design can alter what a model treats as an atomic cue and how efficiently it represents Turkish wordforms (Kaya and TantuÄ, 2024). 7. Conclusion We presented a controlled, cross-population test of how graded world-knowledge plausibility shapes relative-clause attachment in Turkish prenominal RC ambiguities. Using normed materials in which both parses remained pragmatically possible, we showed that native Turkish speakers robustly integrated event plausibility in attachment resolution: HA increased by 38.9 percentage points from Low-WK to High-WK. In contrast, the three autoregressive LLMs evaluated with a continuation-based log-probability comparison showed substantially weaker, less consistent, and in one case reversed sensitivity to the same plausibility manipulation. Overall, the model results suggest that graded plausibility did not guide attachment preferences as reliably as it did in human judgments. These findings are consistent with the possibility that, in the tested models, plausibility information is not incorporated as reliably when attachment resolution requires tightly constrained integration of world knowledge with hierarchical structure. More broadly, the results suggest that strong overall benchmark performance does not by itself guarantee human-like cue integration in psycholinguistic tasks, and that attachment ambiguities under subtle plausibility manipulations can provide a useful diagnostic for comparing human and model behavior in language understanding. Limitations First, the stimulus set is modest, which limits power to detect small plausibility effects and reduces confidence in fine-grained cross-model comparisons. Second, the model suite is necessarily selective and excludes the very strongest Turkish-capable systems, so our conclusions are restricted to the tested checkpoints. Finally, we compare categorical human choices to model preferences rather than directly matching incremental time-course measures; future work may add stronger online proxies such as region-wise surprisal profiles to more closely link models to human processing. Finally, future work should also investigate whether corpus evidence can help clarify baseline attachment tendencies in Turkish and better contextualize the experimental results. Acknowledgments I thank Chris Kennedy for valuable discussions in his Linguistics and LLMs class. I am also grateful to the Human Sentence Processing Conference 2026 at MIT for feedback and discussion, and to Muharrem Taha Aydın and Mustafa Baki Varol for their help with the design, discussion of the results, and feedback. Finally, I thank the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful comments and suggestions. 8. Bibliographical References @NAT@ctr Akal (2021) Taylan Akal. 2021. Recency preference in ambiguous relative clause attachment in Turkish. 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